28 December 2002 00:00
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW WITH RUSSIA'S FOREIGN MINISTER IGOR IVANOV BY RIA NOVOSTI POLITICAL ANALYST DMITRY KOSYREV
2684-27-12-2002
- The first question is obvious: was this a successful year for Russian diplomacy or not?
- Speaking in general, one can easily discern that our foreign policy line whose main guidelines were formulated little short of three years ago, when Vladimir Putin was elected president of the country, is today yielding real results in terms of strengthening Russia's security, assisting its economic development, and meeting the vital interests of its citizens. I think, viewed from this perspective, the outgoing year was not bad for us, and in a number of areas even successful.
Now I would like to point to the following things. It appears this is the year when we finally crystallized a multi-vector policy, one in which different geographical directions and priorities supplement, rather than contradict, each other. That is to say, improved relations with the US help to improve relations with Europe and vice versa. The same applies to the Asia-Pacific region. As a result, we have made substantive headway in all these directions.
As for frustration, I will, above all, name such a vital aspect of our diplomacy as CIS. Here more could have been achieved. Naturally, a lot could have been done in other fields, too, but in CIS above all.
- You mentioned the vital interests of citizens. Let us talk about them. For example, changes in a Russian's state of mind abroad are not the worst indicator of foreign policy successes.
- Here, indeed, general changes are for the better. You know we sense perceptibly that an overall strengthening of our international positions and in general a better image of Russia abroad have influenced the attitude to our citizens who travel to different countries on business, to establish all kinds of international contacts and simply for rest and tourism. Today they can feel more confident as representatives of a state that enjoys respect in the world.
To be sure, a great deal depends on the conduct of Russians themselves. But I think the image of an either impoverished or money-spinning mafia-like Russia, an image spontaneously or sometimes purposely created in the West in the 90s, is gradually receding into the past. Now, for example, our western partners have come across a new and unusual phenomenon: Russian businessmen are buying not luxury articles or property, but controlling interests in big companies.
Or take another example. The past year has seen a noticeable growth in the number of applications to our embassies and consulates from Russian citizens on various matters. The total number of such applications has reached something like 800,000. These are mainly requests for legal assistance. This is gratifying to us, because it indicates that not only the Russian state, but also a civil society shaping up in this country, is integrating ever more deeply into the global world space.
- You mentioned changes in the position of Russian business abroad. Economic diplomacy is something relatively new for the Foreign Ministry. What do you think of its results?
- As a matter of fact, economic diplomacy has existed in all times. But now you are asking a question about it before you ask about security. Is that accidental? Hardly.
The process we are seeing here is this: on the one hand, a better economic situation in the country benefits its international stand. On the other hand, through a dynamic foreign policy, we seek to maximize conditions for further economic growth and Russian business activity.
A lot gets done, but things sometimes prove difficult. We have our own list of missed opportunities and failed contracts or tenders. But 2002 on the whole was very productive. Suffice it to mention the US and European Union decisions to recognize the market status of the Russian economy, which will come very handy for domestic business. In the course of the year Russia's credit rating has been upgraded several times. All this, incidentally, is largely the result of a new atmosphere of trust and partnership in our relations with the US and the EU. This is a circumstance that also plays an important role in negotiations we are currently conducting on Russia's entry into the WTO.
Russian diplomacy is also active in promoting an energy dialogue with the US and the EU, working for a common economic space in Europe. All the more so since very soon - following its enlargement - the EU will account for half of our trade turnover. And here a slew of concrete trade and economic issues arise, which need solving, including through diplomatic channels.
Our trade with China has already approached the 12 billion dollar mark. This is a success. Large-scale projects of industrial and technological cooperation are being implemented with India and a number of other states. Also behind all this are diplomatic efforts both to build up a general political framework for economic cooperation and for diplomatic support of concrete projects. Among them, for example, are construction of a trans-European gas pipeline under the Baltic Sea, as well as implementation of the well-known "Blue Stream" project.
We work increasingly harder at many international economic forums - at APEC, for example. Or, say, in the Group of Eight. At the summit at Kananaskis, Russia finally became a full-fledged member of the group. In 2006, it will take over the presidency of this forum. This is important not for prestige considerations. Group of Eight membership allows us to talk of projects of multilateral and bilateral cooperation costing billions of dollars. An example is the understanding reached at Kananaskis on a global partnership against the spread of weapons and materials of mass destruction.
Over the past few years there has been practically no visit by the president or the foreign minister to other countries without meetings with local businessmen. Part of this work is also done in Russia itself, in close cooperation with other state departments and the leadership of Russian regions. Over the past year, for example, we have held at the Foreign Ministry press service presentations of economic potentials of twenty constituent members of Russia. The same is being done by our embassies.
Altogether, in little less than a year, we have arranged almost 500 economic forums, exhibitions, round tables and business seminars on economic themes. And this only through the Foreign Ministry. In the economic field we will continue to coordinate our efforts with the leaderships of federal districts, regions and members of the Federation for their tighter inclusion in inter-regional economic ties.
On the whole, one of the main foreign policy objectives of the coming year is to bring our foreign policy more closely to tackling concrete tasks in the economic, cultural and other spheres.
Now about what is not being done. For example, our diplomacy has gained some experience of working with large companies. But giving effective support to enterprises of small and medium-sized business is something we have yet to learn, especially since this is a problem not only of external but also of internal economic policy. In these affairs we cooperate extensively with the Chamber of Commerce and Industry and various small and medium business associations.
- Have Russia's positions in the world gained in strength or weakened? Are we listened to when we talk of our interests, or not? I mean not only economics.
- In general it can be said that the role of this country in world affairs has strengthened. There has been practically no international issue of whatever stature whose solution was not shared by Russia. This concerns above all the work of the UN Security Council, in which Russia not only continues to discharge the functions of a permanent member, but also gives real assistance to resolving issues of peace and security. The most graphic example is the adoption of resolution 1441 by the Security Council on Iraq.
Experience has taught us that one cannot be timid in stating one's stance, in defending one's interests. Do you remember the talk of several years ago that Russia's position weakened and its foreign policy should take a back seat? Now, practice suggests that our positions will be weak where we withdraw ourselves. And if we are energetic in all fields - political, economic and military - no one would dislodge us from anywhere, and our interests would not be infringed upon.
- Now about security: was the world safer for Russia this year, or not?
- You know that we are now witnessing changes in and a certain re-evaluation of the very concept "security". Earlier, security was more linked with a threat existing for the country from some or other state. Now, in this sense Russia, perhaps for the first time in its history, is threatened by no state. It is also true that, incidentally, Russia does not view any country in the world as an opponent or an enemy. It is a wonderful feeling, you know, to appreciate that we are not on the brink of a nuclear catastrophe or any global clash.
In this situation it is easier to address many issues which seemed earlier very hard to get to grips with. Thus, one of the main results of the year is that we have succeeded in preventing strategic stability from being eroded by the US's unilateral withdrawal from the ABM Treaty. The new Russian-American treaty provides for further deep cuts in nuclear potentials. We and we alone will determine the structure and make-up of our nuclear forces. A new framework exists for strategic relations between our countries. All this implies that Russia will be able further to maintain its nuclear security at the proper level, calmly going about its military reform, without being involved in a new and ruinous arms race.
Or take the establishment of the Russia-NATO Council where the NATO states and Russia enjoy equal rights when discussing and adopting decisions. What is more, in effect NATO has today set as its main priorities the same goals that face the Russia-NATO Council, namely the struggle against new threats, above all terrorism.
At the same time the world and we all, having got rid of former fears, have acquired new ones. Today no one is guaranteed against the international terrorism threat. It is a fact which has radically altered the world. Also radically are changing approaches to ensuring national security. New and unusual situations arise.
Take such a phenomenon as US military presence in some states of Central Asia, which resulted from an international anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan. How to assess this fact from the perspective of common interests in the struggle against a terrorist threat that emanated from Afghanistan's territory? Have the security interests of Russia and our CIS partners benefited or suffered when this threat was largely eliminated? I think the answer to this question is self-evident.
Much can be said about changes in the world following changes in the character of threats, but in general what we are seeing is that the world has never since the Second World War been so united in the struggle against the common evil. This sense of new world unity, of course, fully meets Russia's national interests.
- And all this will collapse when a war against Iraq begins?
- We have exerted tremendous efforts for the Iraqi issue to stay within the scope of international law and to be decided on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions. Now we have resolution 1441 which we are implementing together with the United States and the world community in general, and should work for the goals clearly formulated in the resolution. Namely, that Iraq should have no weapons of mass destruction. No war is needed to achieve this aim.
- As regards the CIS, it seemed this was the area that had positive shifts galore in 2002. Why are you dissatisfied?
- We have, of course, done a good deal. And this breakthrough, this acceleration precisely testify to how much can be achieved, it appears. Yes, we are strengthening the CIS, we are strengthening EurAsEC. A significant positive outcome of the outgoing year was creation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. This new structure is called upon to provide the basis for a security system within the CIS, including forming a rapid deployment force. This is, no doubt, an important element of boosting the national security of Russia as well.
But all the same this is little, whether you take the question of expanding trade or accelerating a multitude of economic projects with various CIS countries. I think this is the sphere where we will have to exert our main efforts in 2003 among other tasks facing Russia's foreign policy.
| 
RUSSIA IN FACTS